CANBERRA—The Australian parliament's historic apology to the stolen generations marked the end of a long, exhausting journey.
It was a moment of potent symbolism which drew an emotional reaction from many around the country, not least from those Aborigines who had waited so long for a federal government to say "sorry".
But as Prime Minister Kevin Rudd acknowledged, the apology was just the first step in a much longer, more arduous journey: to lift indigenous Australians out of the scandalous dysfunction and disadvantage they presently endure.
The litany of failure is now familiar.
Aborigines live shorter lives than other Australians, by 17 years on average; they are more likely to suffer chronic diseases and mental illness, and much more likely to end up in jail; they are a lot less likely to end up in gainful employment or finish high school, or own their own homes. And many indigenous communities are beset by alcohol abuse, substance abuse and child abuse.
The apology will fix none of these things.
But if the immediate reaction to the historic moment is anything to go by, it may have opened the door to a new era in which government will work cooperatively with indigenous people to tackle these towering challenges.
The so-called father of reconciliation, Pat Dodson, certainly seems to think so.
"Having turned the corner with a national apology we can now re-commit to the national task in true partnership," he said.
"We have on the table before us a clean page on which great things may be written, a page that future generations of Australians ... might read with pride and recognise the moment when hope re-emerged."
There have been false starts before: the 1967 referendum and the High Court's Mabo decision, for example. Both events promised to usher in a brighter future, but neither delivered.
If the Rudd government follows through on its promise to seize the momentum engendered by the apology to force change, this really could be a new beginning.
"For us, symbolism is important but, unless the great symbolism of reconciliation is accompanied by an even greater substance, it is little more than a clanging gong," Mr Rudd said this week.
The government has set some important, measurable targets for closing the life expectancy and infant mortality gaps, and to improve indigenous childrens' literacy and numeracy.
"None of this will be easy," Mr Rudd conceded.
"Most of it will be hard, very hard.
"But none of it, none of it, is impossible and all of it is achievable with clear goals, clear thinking and by placing an absolute premium on respect, cooperation and mutual responsibility as the guiding principles of this new partnership on closing the gap."
Critically, Mr Rudd has also placed a premium on bipartisanship. By inviting Opposition Leader Brendan Nelson to join with him to head up a new "war cabinet" to tackle Aboriginal disadvantage, Mr Rudd has taken the first step towards depoliticising indigenous affairs.
For too long, indigenous policy-making has been captive to ideology. If both sides of politics can put ideology aside and work cooperatively, the solutions will likely be more effective and more lasting.
"The nation is calling on us, the politicians, to move beyond our infantile bickering, our point-scoring and our mindlessly partisan politics and elevate at least this one core area of national responsibility to a rare position beyond the partisan divide," Mr Rudd said.
This is a bold new approach and people have every right to be sceptical about whether it will work. But our politicians owe it to all Australians - blackfellas and whitefellas - to give it their best shot.
The apology is unlikely to spell the end of the stolen generations' battle for justice. The fight for financial compensation - another recommendation of the Bringing Them Home report - is now expected to intensify.
Despite promising before the election to implement a comprehensive response to Bringing Them Home, Mr Rudd since winning office has been emphatic: "We will not under any circumstances be establishing any compensation arrangements or compensation fund."
But indigenous leaders have been equally forthright. Tasmanian Aboriginal lawyer and activist Michael Mansell vowed: "We won't rest until we get that compensation package."
That promise carries some weight. The stolen generations struggled for more than a decade to convince John Howard's coalition government to say sorry and, despite constant rebuff, never gave up.
The Rudd government's promise to close the gap is unlikely to mollify individuals wronged by the state who believe they have a legitimate claim to redress.
Mr Dodson this week added his voice to calls for compensation, arguing it would not cripple Australia's economic future.
"Any group of people who have been treated badly under laws made legitimately by the crown deserve to pursue compensation judicially, legally or politically and they deserve our support," he said.
Forcing members of the stolen generations to pursue compensation through the courts could endanger the goodwill generated by the apology.
If mishandled, the issue could derail the government's grand plans to address the most pressing moral issue of our age.
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