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West Papua Looks to East Timor

By Linda Haywood
Special to The Epoch Times
Apr 17, 2007

Indigenous resistance continues to build in West Papua amidst growing discontent with Indonesian authorities. (Adek Berry/AFP/Getty Images)
Indigenous resistance continues to build in West Papua amidst growing discontent with Indonesian authorities. (Adek Berry/AFP/Getty Images)

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On April 9, East Timor went to the polls in the first round of presidential elections that the country has held since independence from Indonesia in 2002. In the whirl of publicity that has been afforded to this newly liberated nation, and Australia's role in its transition, parallels have been drawn with the situation in the Indonesian province of Aceh, but little has been said of the relatively unknown Special Autonomous Region of West Papua, formerly Irian Jaya.

Benny Wenda of the Free West Papua campaign, in the UK, says West Papuans are increasingly looking towards the East Timor example.

"The East Timor liberation struggle has shown West Papua the way. Indigenous resistance from within, international pressure from outside. We Papuans wish we had the same democratic freedoms to freely elect our leader!

"Anyone who stands for election in Indonesia's 'new democracy', whether for a local regent or for governor, has to swear an oath that they support the 'territorial integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia'. As an independence leader, I somehow don't think they would allow me to stand for governor!" Wr Wenda said.

Numbering 1.5 million, the fragile native population is swamped by the military presence of 20,000 TNI troops and the state policy of migration to Papua that has swelled the island community with over a million non-Papuans. According to Jim Elmslie of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, the University of Sydney, Papuans will be a minority in their own country by 2011.

Around 250 indigenous Melanesian tribes exist precariously in West Papua along with around 350 unique languages. Rumours abound of tribes untouched by foreigners.

The Dani are the best known West Papuan tribe, famed for traditionally wearing penis gourds. Recent coverage on Australian network TV exaggerated the cannibalistic rituals of some tribes – which are, in fact, safely in the past. A greater threat looms from elsewhere. HIV, falling birth rates and violent military action threaten to obliterate these racially distinct and culturally unique peoples.

Vanuaka (or Papua New Guinea) has been independent since 1980, following rule under Australia. However, its western neighbour has never seen freedom owing to a US-brokered deal between the Dutch and the Indonesian Government.

Despite never having achieved self-governance, West Papuan patriots celebrate December 1, 1961 as the day that the Dutch Government recognised their national symbols. On the anniversary each year, they raise the Morning Flag and sing songs. The flag raising ceremonies were legalised briefly in 2000, but this was rescinded by the military after participants were accused of separatism. Pro-independence violence is, however, generally low in intensity, with most activists opting for non-violent protest led by the Church.

Although the Government of Indonesia has been more sympathetic to the Papuan cause in recent years, the army has a strong nationalist attachment to the territory. Until recently, Tentara Nasional Indonesia was two thirds self-funding and relatively independent from Jakarta's control. A culture of impunity exists that gives the military carte blanche to enforce what it calls "national unity".

Nearly all of the reports of human rights abuses in West Papua relate to the TNI. Soldiers are accused of profiting from prostitution and illegal logging, assaulting civilians, burning fields, clinics and schools, and killing suspects in custody.

There are also some reports suggesting that the TNI arms and trains militias to undertake illicit operations and provoke violence with Papuan separatists. Laksa Jihad is one such organisation that is tolerated, if not trained, by the TNI. It has been linked to the al-Qaeda network. One informant spoke of LJ's deliberate policy of religious violence directed against the Christian indigenous population in Papua. However, it is difficult to corroborate such reports as access to West Papua for journalists and human rights monitors is severely restricted.

It is in this context that the agreement between Australia and the Republic of Indonesia on the Framework for Security Co-operation, or Lombok Treaty, is passing through the Australian Parliament. It refers to "non-interference in the internal affairs of one another" and "respecting territorial integrity and solidarity", which most commentators interpret as a restriction on Australia's ability to question human rights abuse and other irregularities in the region.

Some fear there will be an onus on Australian authorities to hush up independence supporters and deport Papuan refugees – whom it has previously sheltered – as shown in the submissions to the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties in Canberra. A report is not due until June.

As the International Commission of Jurists warns, the wide scope and loose wording of the Lombok Treaty could threaten the civil liberties of Australians and contradict Australian obligations under international human rights law. There is also little real benefit to be gained from signing a co-operation agreement with a country that provides a negligible threat to Australia – except through nurturing jihadism and creating refugees, which the treaty does not adequately address.


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