It claims to be Sydney University's largest club for Chinese students, but the Chinese Students Association has surprisingly strict entrance criteria — don't promote superstition, don't attack the unity of the homeland, don't damage ethnic unity and don't damage China's reputation or benefits.
These and other "forbidden actions" posted in Chinese, but not English, on the Sydney University Chinese Students Association (SUCSA) website provide a glimpse into the inner workings of a global network of student social clubs that Chinese dissidents and experts view as front organisations for the Chinese Communist Party.
Their behaviour could be illegal under Australian law, says the co-ordinator of Sydney University's Masters of International Law programme. And insiders are afraid to speak out, fearing repercussions for their family members in China.
SUCSA's English website doesn't mention the network's important role of "suppressing the moving space of enemy forces". That was one of the discussion topics at a meeting held between a number of club presidents of American branches at the Education Section of the Chinese Consulate-General in Houston, the United States, according to a Chinese state media report.
However, SUCSA's website reports in Chinese on a similar meeting that took place in February 2004 at the Education Section of the Chinese Consulate-General in Sydney between several years of board members from related Chinese student clubs at 11 New South Wales universities. Stated meeting principles included to expand the influence of the network and "accept the leadership of the Chinese Consulate-General".
Broadly named the Chinese Student and Scholar Association (CSSA), with minor name variations, more than 109 of these clubs in major universities worldwide form an international, inter-co-operative network. They can be found in most major Australian universities, with the Sydney University branch affiliated with the University of Sydney Union as a legitimate ethno-cultural club.
The CSSAs are funded and supported by the Chinese Diplomatic Missions, a common scenario for an ethno-cultural university club. English-language websites and flyers sometimes mention a close relationship with the Chinese regime, along with various social events.
But the CSSA's relationship with its home country's leadership goes deeper than most. Evidence suggests they are in fact the bottom echelon of a hierarchy that extends from the central regime of China to embassies and consulate-generals abroad, to the "Education Group" in each mission, to the board of each university's CSSA club.
The board then provides for its Chinese students abroad a social environment free of alternative views—on democracy, on Taiwan independence or on groups like Falun Gong. It offers incentives to keep them there, such as meeting and building future job prospects with Chinese leaders when they visit Australia. And for especially trustworthy students, it passes on orders from the Chinese Embassy to monitor and gather information about "enemy" groups that have a presence on university campus, most notably the Falun Gong spiritual movement, and sometimes to act against them.
Leaked Consular Documents
"It's a kind of systematic control from China," says Mr. Chen Yonglin, former first secretary of the Sydney Chinese Consulate-General. "The Chinese Communist Party look very far to the next generation and to influence the next generation, so that in the future it will be easier for them to do their job."
Mr Chen defected in May 2005 with confidential documents in hand, some of which mention the CSSA. While the documents could not be independently verified, the information they contain correlates with reported cases of harassment by the CSSA, as well as reports on SUCSA's website.
One three-page document talks about the Sydney Consulate-General's "Education Group" directing Chinese students to monitor and report on Falun Gong activities at Sydney University and the University of New South Wales as early as 2001.
"Sydney University and the University of New South Wales [UNSW] are holding their orientation ceremony," reads the document dated February 23, 2001. "The Education Group has despatched people to keep an eye on things. At UNSW we have not yet heard of any "Falun Gong" activities, but at Sydney University there are several Falun Gong elements organising a stall. Already notified [Chinese students studying abroad] to suss out the circumstances of the personnel related to this activity."
Then, a later section seems to refer to CSSA meetings at the Consulate-General. "Call together representatives of [Chinese students studying abroad], convey our encouragement to do well the above work," it says.
Another document dated February 7, 2001 outlines more specifically the Chinese Mission's work at Australian university campuses. A section headed "Education" lists tasks such as to provide anti-Falun Gong literature and videos to each institution's CSSA, "ask students to look for chances to do Falun Gong work at school", "look for especially trustworthy students abroad to help us understand the situation" and "mobilise students abroad to fight and counter Falun Gong activities [and] to prevent opposing views".
"Working" on Falun Gong
Canadian human rights lawyer David Matas experienced first-hand some of the CSSA's "work" at Columbia University in the United States.
Mr. Matas was one of a panel of speakers at a Columbia University forum about evidence for state-sanctioned harvesting of organs from Falun Gong practitioners in China, there to talk about a report he had co-authored on the topic.
Prior to the event, the Colombia University's CSSA circulated an e-mail to its members directing them to disrupt it. The e-mail read in part: "We will use the sea of [Chinese] flags, dyed with blood, to strike hard against [Falun Gong's] arrogant fervour and to resolutely defend the honour and dignity of the Motherland."
The e-mail apparently worked. Some 20–30 CSSA members showed up, waving banners with English and Chinese messages that slandered Falun Gong. Another group stayed at the door and handed out literature. But when Mr Matas in his talk began to refer directly to the CSSA e-mail, which he had obtained, the group got up and left en masse.
"One of them got up and told everybody to walk out and they did," Mr. Matas said.
"There was a lot of university security, which obviously curtailed them in what they were doing. At one point, one of them tried to [interrupt me] and security didn't let them do that.
"The organisation had a kind of a student name, but it was basically a front for the Chinese Embassy," Mr. Matas said. "There's no rational basis for interfering with the Falun Gong unless you are associated with the government of China who've got this political agenda against the Falun Gong."
The same thing happened at forums held at Princeton and Chicago universities. Then when Mr. Matas travelled to Israel to speak it happened there too, but this time the interference came directly from the Chinese Consulate, again with literature being handed out at the door.
"It's the same thing—attack the Falun Gong, ignore the contents of the report," Mr. Matas said.
The ABC's Lateline programme reported in June 2005 on Chinese informants monitoring Australian Falun Gong practitioners, including students at universities. The programme obtained documents leaked by another defector, former Chinese policeman Hao Fengjun, who used to work for the Chinese regime's official anti-Falun Gong agency, the "610 Office".
The documents named Chinese-Australian student Yanyan Che as a key Falun Gong organiser among Chinese students on NSW campuses, describing her as "an overseas Chinese student, female, 22 years old, from Shangdong Province, second year student of NSW University".
"It's surprising, it's just sickening, it's scary," Ms. Che told the programme. "It pinpoints my name, where I came from, where my ancestors came from, my age, where I study. I never know that I am actually being monitored by 610."
Board members of Falun Gong clubs at two major universities in New South Wales—Wollongong University and the University of New South—say local CSSA members have phoned university authorities to complain about their campus events. The callers had attempted to have banners highlighting human rights abuses in China removed from campus positions or photos of Falun Gong-related cultural events taken off university websites. At Wollongong University, the complaints were successful.
CCP Student Spies
Lobbying the Public
It's an artful use of front organisations by the Chinese Embassy, says Mr. Chen Yonglin, an effective lobbying technique to influence public opinion abroad.
"They may complain to the school about Falun Gong, but actually their opinions do not represent the mainland students," says Mr. Chen. "They are actually from the Chinese Consulate."
This technique may also have been used in Australia to attempt to influence members of Parliament. At least one such attempt was made in the United States, with an obtained letter calling on CSSA members to write letters to US Congressmen to oppose a "defensive referendum" called by Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian in 2004.
"Dear Chairmans of CSSA," reads the letter, signed off by consular official Zhang Zhigang. "The Consulate-General has assigned you the following important tasks."
The letter outlines some background information, and asks participants to modify a sample letter and send it to members of Congress.
"You must finish the task by March 20 and you should e-mail me about your status on March 16," the letter says. "In particular, you should inform me of how many individuals have participated."
"We hope that everyone will show your patriotism and strong wish of Chinese people longing for a peaceful unification of our homeland!"
The letter reveals the assumed authority of consular officials over the CSSA, laying bare a technique that gives the impression of large numbers of independent minds in unison for their support for the Chinese Communist Party. It's a sham, says Mr. Chen.
"Politicians are often confused; they don't know the background of students and thought they write independently. [The Chinese Embassy] use this as a political tool to convince politicians that [these opinions] reflect the general public view.
"Actually, the Chinese Communist Party has very limited members, a very small group who collaborate and co-operate with the Chinese Government."
Insiders Afraid to Speak out
Of course, Chinese students have a hunch of what the CSSA is about. That's why many choose not to join, say board members of numerous alternate Chinese social clubs.
"The CSSA won't be the first choice for anyone, unless for someone who has passion about politics or support for the Chinese Government," said a board member of one Chinese social club, who asked not to be named.
A board member of another Chinese social club knew of the CSSA, but knew almost nothing about it, having not seen or heard of any social activities.
However, CSSA members contacted for interviews would say nothing. Those contacted by phone and e-mail, or through associates, either refused outright or said they were too busy with upcoming exams. Requests for an interview after the exam period received no reply.
However, one former Chinese student who was given instructions to monitor other students did say to Melbourne publication The Age in November, after declining an interview: "I'm still a Chinese citizen and my parents still live in China…It's very hard. If you speak out it requires a lot of courage. It's not so simple. The most important part of my life, my parents, are in China. If I become an Australian citizen, things will be different. But for now it's better for me not to say anything."
The Chinese Embassy also has other unspoken punishment mechanisms available to it, says Mr Chen. It could, for example, refuse to validate a student's Australian degree with an official seal, making it all but useless when taken back to China.
Could Be Breaking the Law and University Rules
The CSSA's actions in collaboration with Chinese consular officers could be illegal on a number of counts, says Dr. Ben Saul, Director of the Sydney Centre for International and Global Law.
There is a duty for consular officers to respect Australian law and not to interfere in Australia's internal affairs. "It is arguable that some of the consulate's activities in relation to Falun Gong amount to an interference in Australia's internal affairs," Dr Saul said in a statement.
There could be legal implications under the NSW offence of intimidation and religious anti-vilification laws in Victoria, Queensland and Tasmania.
The Australian Government also has the power to intervene and expel related consular officials as "persona non grata". It need not provide reasons and the immunity enjoyed by consular officials would not apply, says Dr. Saul. However, with China set to overtake the US as Australia's largest trading partner, the Australian Government might be reluctant to create a diplomatic row.
The University of Sydney Union, which endorses the Sydney University Chinese Student Association (SUCSA), also has rules to ensure that university clubs and societies peacefully co-exist on campus.
Union President Rose Khalilizadeh was not aware of SUCSA's "forbidden actions" or reports on its website harkening students to "follow the leadership of the Chinese Consulate-General".
"If that were the case and in following that instruction it was in contravention of our policy, and it was for example being discriminatory against other students or causing harm or causing some sort of restricted activity on campus, we would have to intervene," Ms. Khalilizadeh said.
"That's not the sort of environment that we are trying to create at this university."
However, funding from external bodies, such as the Chinese Embassy, and even close political affiliation is not a problem, says Ms. Khalilizadeh, as long as there is no impingement on the rights of club members or on a constitution that the club has negotiated with the union.
The writer was unable to obtain the constitution agreed on by SUCSA and the University of Sydney Union, and therefore cannot comment on the extent to which the union endorses SUCSA's activities.
Feeds