Since former CCP general secretary Zhao Ziyang passed away on January 17, overseas media have published reports on his life and on events in China precipitated by his death. Events related to the arrangements for Zhao's memorial have revealed political change within some groups in Chinese society.
Several themes have been reported in overseas media: the CCP's evaluation of Zhao Ziyang, the Party’s control of the memorial activities for Zhao, reactions from Zhao's family and his supporters, public memorials for Zhao overseas, and the CCP's suppression of dissidents during this politically sensitive time.
In 1989, Zhao Ziyang was a central figure in openly opposing the use of force to suppress the pro-democracy protestors. In CCP tradition, guns lead the Party, and the Party directs the government. Party Chief Zhao Ziyang was helpless to stop the June 4 massacre and was ousted for “supporting the turmoil” and “splitting the party.” As a result, Zhao was forced to join the ranks of the many CCP general secretaries who had lost power in the CCP’s brutal political struggles.
In the past 15 years since Zhao was stripped of his position, political dissidents have continued to demand that the government redress the June 4 event and restore Zhao Ziyang’s freedom and his reputation. However, the CCP power holders, who have reaped benefits from the June 4 crackdown, have continued to suppress the voices of dissent. The CCP made it taboo even to mention Zhao Ziyang- a taboo that was broken by Zhao's death. In a number of ways, Zhao’s passing has created occasions for political expression.
First, Zhao's old friends and their children openly mourned Zhao Ziyang. Despite the personal nature of their mourning, their actions also represent a political force. Inside the CCP, many Zhao supporters and sympathizers who had remained silent about the June 4 event and the CCP’s suppression of Zhao embraced him as mourners. In the context of the CCP's brutal politics, even this level of endorsement is an act of bravery.
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Tian Jiyun (Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images) |
Among the retired CCP high-ranking officials who sent their condolences or wreaths to the Zhao family, many went on behalf of their family members or colleagues. Ye Xuan, Vice Chairman of National Political Consultative Conference, presented a wreath in the name of his father Ye Jianying, a deceased prominent CCP general and official. Zhejiang Province Party Secretary Xi Jinping was represented by his mother Qi Xin, the widow of veteran CCP leader Xi Zhongxun. Other retired CCP officials who wrote their own names in the Zhao family guest book included the former Vice Chairman of the National People’s Congress Tian Jiyun; secretary of the CCP’s Secretariat of the Central Committee Rui Xingwen; former Editor-In-Chief of the
People's Daily Hu Jiwen; and former head of Press and Publication Administration Du Daozheng.
The taboo on discussing Zhao was further broken when some within the CCP published memorial articles that openly supported Zhao and criticized the Party for the June 4 Massacre. Although they do not hold high positions, their influence should not be underestimated. According to the Hong Kong-based Ming Pao newspaper, Hu Jiwen wrote a 2000-word memorial entitled "Deeply Mourn Zhao Ziyang" that criticized the CCP's house arrest of Zhao as a violation of the Party’s constitution, state laws, and humanity.
According to Hu, the day after Zhao passed away, the CCP top circle communicated its judgment of Zhao to the Party rank and file as follows: Zhao Ziyang contributed to the Party and the country. He made mistakes during the June 4 event in 1989. The Party's treatment of Zhao was correct, and all Party members should remain in agreement with the Party. Of these four points, Hu said that only the first one was correct. He said that Zhao was right to oppose the use of force against the protestors, and Deng Xiaoping was wrong to order several hundred thousand soldiers to use tanks to fire on weaponless people. In making his opinion known, Hu said he is ready to lose his money and house or even to be put in prison.
In addition, people outside the Party who hold diverse opinions have appealed for democratic reforms and for redressing the June 4 event. Although their voices have been suppressed in China, they have gained attention in the international community with the help of modern media and communication. Their voices for democracy exert pressure on the Chinese government. Typical among these people are the "Tiananmen mothers," whose children were murdered during the June 4 Massacre, and such dissidents as Bao Tong, Li Rui, Liu Xiaobo, Yu Jie, and Zhang Lin.
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Chinese petitioners hold a sign saying "Ziyang's spirit lives forever, declare war on corruption." (Ng Han Guan/Getty Images) |
Ordinary citizens have been expressing their dissatisfaction whenever given the opportunity, and Zhao’s death has provided an occasion for them as well. The CCP has suppressed their voices, but they will become a powerful political force, difficult to control and greatly feared by the CCP. Even though the CCP strictly controlled the news related to Zhao's memorial arrangements, the Zhao family altar still attracted many ordinary citizens who had no personal connections with Zhao. By mourning Zhao, they were also venting their dissatisfaction with the Party.
Since Zhao was placed under house arrest 15 years ago, the Party ignored him. Since Zhao’s death, however, the Party started to show "concern." Such “concern” will likely turn the Zhao family’s sorrow into animosity- keeping them on the opposite side of the Party. The CCP did not allow people to publicly mourn Zhao Ziyang, controlled who could attend his memorial service, and, in the official eulogy, criticized Zhao for making mistakes in 1989. Turning a eulogy into an opportunity for criticism is a rarity in the world. Former US presidents Nixon and Reagan both made mistakes during their terms in office, but at their memorial services, no one blamed Nixon for the Watergate scandal or criticized Reagan for his secret weapon deals with Iran.
The CCP has traditionally used stale eulogies for its senior officials, including such stock expressions as "great proletariat revolutionary," "made outstanding contributions to the liberation and building of the new China." However, if the deceased held different opinions from the CCP, then the Party takes a different tone. The CCP's eulogy for Zhao confirmed his contributions before 1989 but negated him for his position on the pro-democracy demonstration of 1989 and everything thereafter. Judging from published commentaries, however, the public's assessment of Zhao is just the opposite. People approve of his behavior during the June 4 event and after but disapprove of him for the period before 1989.
The CCP has taken a pragmatic and opportunistic approach in dealing with Zhao Ziyang's passing by allowing a limited number of people to mourn him. However, the mourners are but a fraction of those from all levels of society who are discontent with the Party. They bravely broke the CCP’s taboo to gain a little bit of freedom- the right to express their grief. Although the CCP has even constrained such a basic right, the people’s response to Zhao’s passing provides a cause for hope.